/\rs inUJN Y EDEN" was a danger. Already Eden had influential enemies who were doubly jealous that the prestige of Conservatism should be at the mercy of so progressive a Conservative; Hoare would have to be brought back, and Eden would be working with two ex-Foreign Secretaries in the Cabinet, whose sup- port he could not expect and whose example he had to avoid. The Week—a clever if dramatic potpourri of the open secrets of world politics—was well aware of Eden's dilemma, and referred to a story that Eden ha,d threatened the Govern- ment with resignation on the news of the Plan. Cockburn estimated it as being fifty per cent correct. * When we saw the proposals he did in fact wash his hands of the whole filthy business, and declared his intention to get out. Then he was sent for by the King. It was after that interview on Monday night that he decided to remain after all *. There is something of human drama in the young Minister, identified not only with the future of an administra- tion but with all the brightest prospects for a .new international order, travelling up to Sandringham on a bitter December night to meet the dying King and to receive con- firmation, blessing, and perhaps decisive advice from the most experienced statesman of them all. So many had kissed hands, taken away their seals of office from him; so many famous names and causes won, lost, and forgotten. Eden was to be the last of a great company to take office of state under King George V. Whatever may have been in Eden's mind he had already done something to save the Government from immediate and complete shipwreck. On 10 December he made a state- ment that the Plan was 'only a basis for settlement* as ordered by the League's Co-ordinating Committee. The published accounts had been seriously mistaken in this re- spect. According to The Times Eden was *most heartily received', and his speech * certainly reconciled most of an audience largely disposed to criticism before it began '. He began the New Year with a message to his constituents 302